Japan Brief/FPCJ, No. 0947
August 20, 2009

Campaigning Begins for the 45th House of Representatives Election

Japan’s forty-fifth general election was officially announced on August 18, with voting and vote counting to take place on August 30 to choose members of the 480-seat House of Representatives. In contention are 300 seats in single-seat constituencies and 180 proportional representation seats in 11 regional blocs nationwide. There are 1,139 candidates for the single-seat constituencies and 888 for the proportional representation seats (235 candidates for the proportional representation seats only and 653 also running in single-seat constituencies), meaning that the total number of candidates for the single-seat constituencies and proportional representation seats only is 1,374.

In the previous general election held in September 2005, then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who cast the race as being about “postal privatization as the bastion of reform,” led the Liberal Democratic Party to a landslide victory. Since then, the LDP, together with junior coalition partner New Komeito, has maintained a majority of more than two-thirds in the House of Representatives. Koizumi, after the end of his term as LDP party president, was succeeded as prime minister by Shinzo Abe, Yasuo Fukuda, and then Taro Aso, without any general election taking place. In this first general election in four years, the ruling and opposition parties are fiercely sparring over the ruling coalition’s policies and their impact on the lives of the people.

Focal Point: A “Choice-of-Government” Election

Ever since the birth of the LDP in 1955 through the merger of two conservative parties, the Liberal Party and the Japan Democratic Party, it has held power almost without interruption. In fact, the only time the LDP fell into the opposition was in 1993, when, despite winning the largest number of seats in the House of Representatives election, it failed to win an absolute majority and the runner-up party put together a coalition with other minorities to form a short-lived government. But unlike House of Representatives elections in the past, this upcoming one is attracting intense interest because, for the first time since 1955, there is a real chance of a change of government. The three major Japanese daily newspapers, the Yomiuri Shimbun, Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun, all gave front-page coverage to the election campaign kick-off in their evening editions of August 18 under the headlines “Choice-of-government the focal point” (Yomiuri), “Will the ruling coalition government stay in power or not?” (Asahi), and “Do the people want a change in government?” (Mainichi).

According to media reports, this election is about many issues, including economic stimulus measures, social welfare, foreign policy and national security, the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats, and devolution of central government authority to local governments. The LDP emphasizes economic recovery and strategies for growth and specifies that an increase in the consumption tax is in the offing after the economy is back on its feet, marking clear policy differences with the Democratic Party of Japan. On the diplomatic front, the LDP wants to continue the Maritime Self-Defense Force’s refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, specifically opposed by the DPJ, and also its antipiracy patrols off the coast of Somalia. For its part, the DPJ has made cutting wasteful government spending the central plank of its manifesto and promises to come up with 16.8 trillion yen for child-rearing allowances for families and other prominent policies. The DPJ has also outlined a plan to put 100 Diet members into the government to give politicians a stronger hand in drafting policies (Yomiuri, evening edition, August 18).

Newspaper Editorials

Japan’s five major newspapers all carried editorials twice the usual length on the subject of the upcoming general election. Although the editorials highlighted different points, all agreed on the need to sketch out a vision for Japan’s future from a long-term perspective.

With regard to the priority policies of the current ruling coalition of the LDP and New Komeito and the common policies of three opposition parties—the DPJ, Social Democratic Party, and People’s New Party—the Yomiuri editorial (August 19) noted that none of the parties have given clear explanations as to how their proposed domestic policies will be implemented. In the latter half of the editorial it also criticized the opposition’s foreign diplomacy and national security policies, stating that “. . . the three opposition parties have made no reference to foreign and national security policy issues in their common policies. This is primarily because of the large difference in the positions taken by the three parties, with, for instance, the SDP opposed to the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces abroad. Yet this is merely an attempt to postpone the resolution of thorny issues until after the election. Should the three parties form a coalition government, while leaving their stances on such a fundamental issue murky, will they be able to pursue a responsible foreign policy and protect the national interest?”

The Asahi editorial (August 18) stated that “whether to bring about a change of government is the obvious focus of the August 30 Lower House election, campaigning for which officially kicked off Tuesday” and added, “The party in power must constantly re-examine its beliefs and the reason for its existence in day-to-day politics when implementing its policies. The loser must fully accept its role as an opposition party, and prepare for the next election as ‘the ruling party in-training’ by working diligently on self-improvement.” It concluded, “Politics under the ‘2009 system’ will bring changes of government as a matter of course. On election day, we hope the will of the people will turn a new page in our democracy.”

The Mainichi editorial (August 18) commented mainly on diplomatic policy issues, noting, “The tendency for Japanese politicians and bureaucrats to be oversensitive to the feelings of the United States has been pointed out for a long time. But what is the actual situation regarding Japan’s compliance with the United States? Rather than it being a case of the United States forcing Japan to comply willy-nilly, some observers have pointed out that Japan has simply fallen into a state of suspension of thought due to self-control, getting tangled in its own net. If that is so, then the paradox is that at a time when the United States itself is seeking advice from its allies, it would be the administration of President Barack Obama that would be most annoyed by a fawning yes-man.”

The Nikkei editorial (August 18) offered a forecast of the postelection political landscape: “Depending on the election results, the framework of the coalition government is also certain to be a point at issue. Even if the LDP-Komeito coalition remains in power, it is almost certain to lose its two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, making it even more difficult than before to conduct state affairs.” It added, “In order to secure stable power in the House of Councillors, a coalition government is inevitable regardless of whether the DPJ or the LDP emerges as the dominant party [in the House of Representatives].”

The Sankei Shimbun editorial (August 18) noted, “The DPJ has expressed its opposition to the Maritime Self-Defense Force’s refueling mission in the Indian Ocean and the special agreement regarding the Japanese government shouldering part of the expenses for stationing US troops in Japan.” It went on, “The DPJ’s stated intention of ending the refueling mission in January 2010 and reducing the scale of US military bases on Okinawa over the medium to long term is tantamount to a policy decision that will change the nature of the Japan-US alliance. If the DPJ enters into a coalition with the Social Democratic Party, which shares similar views and is adopting an increasingly anti-US posture, this is likely to have an even more serious impact on the Japan-US alliance.”

(Copyright 2009 Foreign Press Center, Japan)

*Japan Brief is an original production of the Foreign Press Center, Japan, and does not represent the views of the Government of Japan or of any other body.


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